Bell was cited by the defense at Nuremberg. But the sterilization rate remained high even after the Second World War. Bell is still on the books and was cited as precedent in court as recently as Forced or coercive sterilizations never entirely went away either.
In , the Center for Investigative Reporting revealed that at least a hundred and forty-eight female prisoners in California were sterilized without proper permission between and Last year, a district attorney in Nashville was fired for including sterilization requirements in plea deals.
Many of these works approach the story of American eugenics as though it will be a surprise to the reader, which is probably a safe bet. Of the two other books on Buck v. Bell is little remembered today. This is not how we talk about ourselves. And yet there are passages that sound startlingly familiar. In the debate over the Immigration Act of , which excluded eugenically undesirable races from the U. The response in some quarters has been bafflement, as though this way of speaking had materialized out of nowhere.
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We guarantee you a new identity package documents. All our documents are registered in the government database. Yet the limited presence of survivor narratives in the study of eugenics also stems from a corresponding limit in the safe and receptive audience for those narratives. In Scandinavia, active eugenic sterilisation was practised until the early to mids, as in Alberta. When this was revealed in sensational fashion during the s, there was a major effort made by the governments of Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland to promote rigorous historical work on eugenics in each country.
This resulted in standard academic works that revealed much about those histories that had not been previously known. After seeming a little puzzled about the centrality of survivor stories to what we were doing, he noted that, although there were many eugenics survivors in Scandinavia, the historians involved there focused exclusively on the traditional documentary and archival base. In Alberta, hundreds of eugenics survivors alive in the late s shared their stories through legal cases filed against the province.
A much smaller number were subsequently prepared to share more publicly, more extensively and more intimately as part of the project I led, which resulted in the stories posted at the website EugenicsArchives. The stories and the survivors who told them introduced an unexpected dimension to our collective work, one that expanded our idea of eugenics survivorship.
In the open and public forums in which survivors could testify were listeners who connected those stories with their own life histories, such as people living with disability. The stories they were hearing from Leilani, Judy and Glenn, as well as from fellow survivors of the Provincial Training School of Alberta, Roy Skoreyko and Ken Nelson, were a source of identification stronger than mere empathy typically allows.
Those listeners were living in the same supposedly post-eugenics era. They or their children had been dismissed and dehumanised. Some even had their children removed from them primarily because they were parenting with disability, and without adequate social support. So we came to think of a second kind of eugenics survivor. This was not someone who had lived through the explicit postwar eugenics era in Alberta — as Leilani, Judy, Glenn, Roy and Ken had — but someone living with disability in more than the shadow of a local eugenics past.
Someone facing ongoing eugenic attitudes, kindred policies of reproductive exclusion and restriction, and parallel dehumanising treatment. For these people, the feeling of eugenics was close. The stories of this second type of eugenics survivor became part of the collective memory of eugenics we were constructing.
P erhaps the strongest reason for rejecting the standard view of our distance from a eugenic past comes from a third kind of eugenics survivor: one who survived sexual sterilisation in the present decade. The stories of these survivors remain to be told. In , the Senate of Australia launched an inquiry into contemporary, often non-consensual sterilisation of girls and women with disabilities.
Unlike Canada and the United States, Australia never passed eugenic sterilisation laws. It was not that Australia had no eugenics pipeline in the past. It was just that it flowed through cultural rather than surgical means. This is cultural eugenics. Still, the revelation of eugenic sterilisation now in Australia caused much consternation, as it should have.
Such theories were prevalent among the international scientific community in the first decades of the twentieth century. For eugenicists, the social ills of modern society—criminality, mental illness, alcoholism, and even poverty—stemmed from hereditary factors. Supporters of eugenic theory did not believe that these problems resulted from environmental factors, such as the rapid industrialization and urbanization of the late 19 th century in Europe and North America.
Rather, they advanced the science of eugenics to address what they regarded as a decline in public health and morality. Eugenicists had three primary objectives. Second, they aimed to develop biological solutions to these problems. Finally, eugenicists sought to campaign for public health measures to combat them. Eugenics found its most radical interpretation in Germany, but its influence was by no means limited to that nation alone.
Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, eugenic societies sprang up throughout most of the industrialized world. In Western Europe and the United States, the movement was embraced in the s and s. Most supporters in those places endorsed the objectives of American advocate Charles Davenport.
Many members of the eugenics community in Germany and the United States promoted strategies to marginalize segments of society with limited mental or social capacity. They promoted limiting their reproduction through voluntary or compulsory sterilization.
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